The space of activities
Two activities are close when the communes that are good at one tend also to be good at the other. That is the whole definition, and it is computed from 500-worker activities across the 296 communes with enough formal employment for a share to mean anything. Nothing in it knows about technology, supply chains or geography.
This page describes a position and never recommends one. Which corner of it is worth being in depends on what a place wants and what it can afford, and neither is in a tax register.
What goes with what
492 activities · 525 linksThe drawing has no axes because its axes mean nothing: the positions come from a method that is free to rotate the plane, so what it says is near and far. Size is how many people work in the activity in Chile; colour is the family of its branch, the same hue it wears in every treemap on this site. The lines are the strongest links plus the ones needed for nothing to float alone.
Rare and widespread
In fewest communes
How many of the communes above the floor are specialised in each. An activity almost nobody is specialised in is not thereby a good thing to have — it is a rare one.
In most communes
The other end: the work that is over-represented almost everywhere, which is mostly the work a place needs in order to be a place.
Where each commune sits
296Ordered by the average complexity of the activities each commune is specialised in. It is an ordering and not a quantity: the numbers are standard deviations, and a commune is not twice anything at twice the figure. The communes below the floor of formal workers are not here at all, because a share of a payroll of eighty people divides into a statement about eighty people.
| Commune | Activities it is specialised in | Formal workers | Average complexity |
|---|---|---|---|
| Santiago | 118 | 955,092 | 0.56 |
| Las Condes | 142 | 1,384,930 | 0.42 |
| Pudahuel | 108 | 128,850 | 0.29 |
| Providencia | 130 | 849,949 | 0.27 |
| Renca | 109 | 61,393 | 0.26 |
| Conchalí | 82 | 42,245 | 0.26 |
| Macul | 109 | 54,700 | 0.23 |
| Ñuñoa | 73 | 214,124 | 0.19 |
| Quilicura | 114 | 220,300 | 0.18 |
| San Joaquín | 115 | 27,157 | 0.18 |
| San Miguel | 114 | 64,023 | 0.18 |
| Huechuraba | 88 | 290,286 | 0.16 |
| Cerrillos | 83 | 45,087 | 0.14 |
| Quinta Normal | 141 | 41,758 | 0.14 |
| La Reina | 121 | 36,236 | 0.11 |
| Independencia | 105 | 44,229 | 0.10 |
| La Cisterna | 126 | 25,383 | 0.10 |
| Estación Central | 98 | 65,136 | 0.09 |
| Recoleta | 118 | 71,860 | 0.06 |
| Viña del Mar | 121 | 202,788 | 0.01 |
Revealed comparative advantage (Balassa, 1965) and the space of activities (Hidalgo, Klinger, Barabási and Hausmann, 2007), computed on formal employment rather than exports because employment is what a Chilean commune has. Every input is a count the SII published — headcounts are never withheld at this depth — and every output is arithmetic on those counts, with nothing imputed: an activity a commune does not have is a zero the register published, not a gap. The register files a firm at its tax address, so a commune can appear specialised in work that physically happens elsewhere. The checks are here.